Faneuil Hall, 1812

Thoughts of not-exactly-two-centuries ago:

One of the benefits of showing a newcomer around town is reminding myself of what I have come to overlook.  In New York, the obvious places that locals never go include the Statue of Liberty and the Empire State Building.  In Boston, Faneuil Hall is pretty high up on that list, but we were able to break at least one of my old habits by sneaking in to visit for a few minutes near closing time.

I had definitely forgotten, if I’d ever noticed, how difficult it is to comprehend the Great Hall’s size.  While shorter front-to-back than Boston’s Symphony Hall, it is nearly square and thus holds a deceptively large number of people.  Especially when combined with its intimate dimensions, this seating capacity would have contributed in no small degree to the boisterousness of the town meeting that rattled Gallison’s nerves in August, 1812.

That meeting was held to discuss a convention as a possible response to the Baltimore Riots, in which a Republican mob had attacked a Federalist newspaper after the declaration of war against Britain.  The rioters assaulted and nearly killed, among others, “Light-Horse Harry” Lee, the Revolutionary War hero and father of young Robert Edward.

While the meeting approved selection of delegates by an overwhelming majority—Gallison’s was one of only six votes against—not much came out of it until two years later at the end of 1814, when the Hartford Convention met. By that time, Gallison was less worried about the potential outcome. His patriotism and enthusiasm for national union hadn’t changed, but he had a better sense of who the delegates might be and what would be on their agenda. In spite of a lot of wild talk in the radical Federalist press, moderates were calling the shots, and their final report was tame to the point of anti-climax.

Gallison’s report of the 1812 meeting is quite consistent with newspaper accounts.  Still, it offers scraps of conversation not printed in the papers, and uses a pleasingly vivid style of writing, epitomized by a quote from Walter Scott toward the end.  Taken in all at once, it leaves a searing impression of one man’s emotions as he contemplated the potential dissolution of union, led by the party that had only a short time before been most in favor of a strong national government.

Edmund Burke

Not too long ago, a colleague was commenting on how much Americans revere political quotations– sound bites, others might say– to the point of carving them in stone, not to mention placing them on the inevitable bumper stickers.

Many of these come from our Old Testament texts, of course—the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.  We also honor the language of our New Testament prophets.  In Washington, DC, you can find a monument filled with words from one who worked to fulfill the more cheerful prophecies of the Declaration, while pushing the three-fifths compromise onto the back shelf next to the famous bits of Deuteronomy.  All before being murdered on Good Friday, 1865.

But the original question was: why not Edmund Burke, the famous British parliamentarian?  Or other pre-Revolutionary figures, many of whom made important contributions to what eventually became American law and society?

A related question might be when Americans started ossifying sound bites from our heritage.  Perhaps that habit began with Washington’s death in 1800, although that is only a semi-educated guess.

Going back to the original question, Gallison’s journals do add a little color to Burke’s posthumous fame in America.  He put Burke on his self-imposed reading list, even in his very first entry, when he was just coming to grips with how little Harvard was teaching him.  He revisited Burke’s speech on reconciliation with America several times, showing signs of having memorized some of the juicier passages a few years later.  (Memoriter = from memory, as for a school assignment.)  Interestingly, the other speech he saw fit to memorize concerned the Nabob of Arcot’s debts.

Focusing more on Burke’s speaking voice than his language or politics,  President Adams’s recollection is a pleasant byway in a memorable luncheon just one month before Gallison’s death in 1820.

All of this suggests that Burke was well-known to Gallison’s educated circle.  If nothing else, Burke’s oratory would have provided a useful model for debate and public speaking to a young law student, even one who didn’t share Gallison’s patriotism and conservative Whiggish temperament.

Nevertheless, the lengths of the later journal entries, in comparison to their mentions of Burke, show that even though Burke’s reputation remained solid, he wasn’t necessarily at the top of everyone’s mind.

Mathematics homework from Harvard: studying the heavens from the bottom up (c. 1807).

I ran across this document while searching in Harvard’s archives for information on John Gallison’s time there. Its only connection to my topic was his signature at the bottom, but it nevertheless opens a breathtaking view into a corner of his college years. As fun as it can be to dream about changing historical paradigms from the top down, even a master landscaper should take time to smell the roses once in a while. Craftsmanship matters, and we do have it here, on so many levels.

It shows the calculation of a lunar eclipse: a mathematical thesis that would have been part of John Gallison’s undergraduate curriculum, probably as part of his application for graduation honors. It is one of a series of similar documents, made between 1782 and 1839, that Harvard keeps in its increasingly-digitized archives.

(http://oasis.lib.harvard.edu/oasis/deliver/~hua17004, or http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.ARCH:4880552 .)

Made from ink on a 17 x 22¾” piece of paper (43 x 58 cm), this document would have would have taken hours to prepare even after the math was completed. According to the archivists, many students were insecure enough in their penmanship that they would farm their final draft out to a professional before handing it in. The handwriting on this paper, however, is imperfect enough, and similar enough to Gallison’s other manuscripts, that he likely sweated it out himself.
The math behind the drawing makes its own statement about craft. GPS and inexpensive software packages mean that most people no longer have to make these kinds of calculations. Up into the 20th century, however, many more people than the odd software engineer needed to know how this all worked if they were to think of travelling the world—which they did in great quantities.
The Archives’ web page lists Henry Badger as having led the way in 1888. A longer list—conservators Christina Amato, Bill Hanscom, and Adam Novak (all from the Harvard University Libraries’ Weissman Preservation Center), Colin Lukens, and Jennifer Pelose—all contributed to cleaning, stabilizing, and re-housing all of these documents in 2010. And they cannot have done what they did without considerable institutional support, not to mention the engineers and scientists who make it possible for you to see all this work on your smart phone. The rosters above don’t even start to account for the small, but vital group who still know how to read what is on this page, and write their own history about it.

Enjoy!

January 1, 1814

Jan 1, 1814 presents a small digression, while we wait for the 1818 journal entries to resume. Among other things, we have a reappearance of Greenwood and his illness, and a year-end account by the author of his own finances.

Making a living as a lawyer in wartime Boston, which was already suffering from nearly a decade’s worth of trade restrictions, could not have been easy, even for a young man of his diligence, talent and training.  It is not quite clear why Gallison rejected orthodox Calvinist theology, but his persistent lack of material success may have made that easier to swallow.

 

August, 1817

Here we have the last entries in Volume H.

Gallison devotes the first half of this month’s writing to William Ellery Channing’s sermons.   Topics ranged from the nature of Christ to the religious education of children.  At the end of the volume comes one of Gallison’s more successful efforts at an index—better described, perhaps, as a chronological list of topics.

We don’t have his journal entries for the following twelve months, as Volumes I and J seem to have vanished.  If anyone knows where they (and Volume C) might be, please pass the word!

July, 1817: the “Era of Good Feelings” begins in Boston

July 1817 contains a few updates on the progress of Aunt Scott’s financial affairs. As a reminder, she was in the process of scaling back her estate, the enormous fortune inherited from her first husband having been put into distress by cronies of her second.

More significantly, Gallison chronicled the famous visit of President James Monroe to Boston, part of an extensive tour of the nation that led to the coining of the “Era of Good Feelings.”  Gallison’s analysis reminds us that, however literally future generations might have taken that phrase, good feelings toward the new president and his supporters were not held by everyone.  Federalists may have been silenced at the national level, but that did not mean they were all inclined to support the new administration.

When the President attended a service at the Federal Street Church as part of his charm offensive, William Ellery Channing’s sermon made clear his disdain for those who sought unnecessary military glory– including the Democratic-Republican sitting before him– by leading the United States into war against Britain just five years before.  Channing began on the virtue of charity, but quickly pivoted into a very Unitarian/Protestant view of church history.  From there, it was easy to trace recent anti-British military fervor to the earlier corruption of the church by Greek and Roman philosophy.

Gallison borrowed from this framework to underpin his 1819 address to the Federalist-dominated Massachusetts Peace Society.  In that speech, he not only excoriated those who would mis-use patriotism, but also broadened his argument to reject the “Platonic” (we might today call it Machiavellian or republican) willingness to accept different standards for public and private morality.

While Jefferson, Madison, and their followers may not have adopted a “republican” (with small “r”) philosophy as uncritically as some historians would later maintain, there is no question that Federalists were quite willing to accuse them of doing so.  By raising the specter of classical political philosophy, Federalists were effectively linking Republicans’ policies and attitudes to a lack of Christian virtue, exemplified by Jeffersonians’ sympathy for (revolutionary/atheist) France.

May, 2017

May 1817 Journal Entries

Here we find Daniel Webster’s second appearance in the journals, the first having come in a fleeting mention from an 1812 Phi Beta Kappa gathering at Harvard.

Apart from content, Gallison’s form is worth comment.  He had begun his journals in 1807 as a commonplace-book; even when he expanded their scope to cover more than his education, he made sure that they would be useful for him to read in his old age.  A note in the margin of last month’s entry on April 6 served that mission, by referring to a sermon from some months previous.  This month produces more evidence of his awareness of this volume’s prospective value.  Marginal notes serve as headlines, which make paragraphs easier to skim.  On page 103, we also find an extensive deletion, one of many throughout these volumes.  This one appears not to have much to do with a change of opinion or desire to write more effectively.  Rather, it was likely meant to keep the specifics of private business away from prying eyes in the future.

March, 1817

March 1817 Journal Entries

Some of the topics this month:

William Prescott, Jr., a prominent lawyer who had taken Gallison into his office after the War of 1812 ended.  A Federalist, Prescott was one of the delegates to the Hartford Convention.

Starting on page 62, William Ellery Channing’s view of Holy Communion, of which he (Channing) was a great believer.  Gallison was less able to see the point and recorded his doubts several times throughout the journals.

A literary club formed to support the North American Review and Hale’s newspaper

Reminiscences concerning Major André—the spy captured at West Point during the Revolutionary War—as well as John Jay— Supreme Court justice, diplomat, and co-author of The Federalist Papers.